The background of the crisis of 1857 in Hamburg was that trade had
expanded, particularly because the Crimean War had led to an expansion
of credit. Hamburg was the ‘all-English’ city of Germany, but had close
relations with the United States in sugar, tobacco, coffee, and cotton,
and with Scandinavia. When the deflationary tidal wave swept across the
Atlantic, Hamburg was inundated. The panic touched off by the failure of
Ohio Life on August 24 arrived in Hamburg three months later (following
price declines of 30 percent) with the suspension of Winterhoff and
Piper, a firm that was engaged in the American trade.45 Daily dispatches
from the British consulate in Hamburg by date tell the story:
November 21: Some of the leading merchant houses and two banks
plan for relief.
November 23: Two major houses engaged in the London trade fail,
and the Discount Guarantee Association grows more cautious in en-
dorsing Hamburg bills.46 On one authority the Discount Guarantee
Association is exhausted in three days.47
November 24: A Discount Guarantee Association (Garantie-
Diskontverein) is formed, initially with a capital of 10 million marks
banco, later raised to 13 million (about £1 million), of which the
sum of 1 million marks is to be paid in immediately.
November 28: The chamber of commerce and leading merchants
induce the senate to call parliament (B ̈ rgerschaft) to arrange to
u
issue government bonds in order to lend 50 to 662/3 percent of the
value of hypothecated goods, bonds, and shares to merchants in
distress.
December 1: With the suspension of Ullberg and Cremer, ten to
twelve houses in the Swedish trade have gone down. The Discount
Guarantee Association will not issue any more guarantees. Business
is at a standstill.
December 2: A suggestion is made to change the laws of bankruptcy
to enable creditors to share in attachment of goods.
December 7: A proposal is made to establish a state bank for dis-
counting good bills to the amount of 30 million marks banco (about
2
£2.4 million). The bank would advance government bills bearing 6 3
percent interest on mercantile bills of exchange. Parliament rejects
this, wanting instead to issue 30 million marks banco of paper cur-
rency as legal tender. The senate rejects this, insisting on clinging
to the silver standard.
In the end, a compromise was reached for a State Loan Institute fund
of 15 million marks that included 5 million marks banco of Hamburg
government bonds and 10 million in silver to be borrowed abroad.48
The story of the silver train (Silberzug) is recounted in Chapter 12 as an
example of an international lender of last resort.
One observer totaled the sums available for rescue operations to 35
million marks banco, which included 15 million in the Discount Guar-
antee Association, 15 million in the State Loan Institute, and 5 million
from the chamber of commerce. He compared this amount with 100
million marks banco of protested bills and noted that if merchants spec-
ulated with capital equal only to one-sixth the value of their goods, a 17
percent decline in prices of these goods would be sufficient to wipe out
their capital position. To the suggestion that the senate was 300 years
behind the times, he reported with approval the senate’s answer: The
merchants have been 300 years ahead of the times in issuing debt. State
help in these cases, he insisted, merely means assistance for speculation
and perpetuation of higher prices at the cost of the consumer.49
The most famous guarantee of liabilities was that worked out by William
Lidderdale when he was Governor of the Bank of England during the
Baring crisis of 1890. Similar guarantees had occurred earlier in Great
Britain. In December 1836 the private bank Esdailes, Grenfell, Thomas
and Company, which served as London agents for seventy-two country
banks, was in financial difficulties. The view was that this firm could not
be allowed to fail because of its relationships with the country banks;
moreover, its paper included all the best names in the City. The assets
of the bank far exceeded its liabilities, and the London bankers offered
guarantees. The Bank of England led the list with £150,000. Esdailes
survived, but only for two years.50
The guarantee was worked out as an alternative to a letter of indemnity
that permitted suspension of the Bank Act of 1844. The letter was offered
by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lord Goschen, to Lidderdale, who
refused on the ground that ‘reliance on such letters was the cause of a
great deal of bad banking in England.’
If Lidderdale refused to quiet the market by the usual means that
had been employed in 1847, 1857, and 1866, he was not one to let the
market take its medicine. In August 1890 he warned Baring Brothers that
the firm would have to moderate its acceptances for its Argentine agent,
S.B. Hales. Baring Brothers revealed its acute distress to Lidderdale on
Saturday, November 8. Fearful of a panic when Barings’ condition was
made public, the Bank of England met with the Exchequer on Monday,
November 10, turned down the letter of indemnity, prepared for the
problem by seeking assistance from foreign countries (a subject for
Chapter 12), and formed a committee headed by Lord Rothschild to
address the question of the large overhang of Argentinean securities in
the market.
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